Climate Change Regulation 2023

Last Updated July 27, 2023

Mexico

Law and Practice

Authors



Galicia Abogados, SC is a full-service Mexican law firm with over 27 years’ experience. The firm’s environmental practice is renowned for its strong team of professionals with in-depth experience in transactional work in corporate environmental law, and complex and sophisticated environmental legal issues such as water and waste water, site contamination, waste management, and environmental impact. The firm adds value by giving advice in direct communication with industrial facilities with a preventive approach and helping clients navigate the complexities of complying with ever-evolving environmental regulations. Additionally, Galicia has strong litigation and arbitration practice groups. This support helps the firm make deeper risk analyses and also guarantees its ability to defend the environmental strategies it proposes to clients. Galicia is the leading firm for environmental work in project-related matters, with an emphasis on energy (power generation and oil and gas), real estate, and regulated industries, including ports, roads, water projects, and pharmaceuticals.

Mexico is a party to the main multilateral climate agreements, including the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), the Kyoto Protocol, and the Paris Agreement.

As a developing country, but also the eleventh largest global contributor of greenhouse gases (GHGs), Mexico has taken a position of committing to contribute to the reduction of GHGs, all the while pushing for climate finance and technology transfer from developed countries.

Mexico’s commitments under the Paris Agreement were updated as part of COP27 to include unconditional measures to reduce GHGs by 30% from a previous target of 22% reduction by 2030, and conditional measures, depending on outside financial support, for a reduction of 40%, from 36% previously set, by the same year. The reduction of black carbon emissions remains at 51% unconditionally and 70% conditionally.

Mexico’s conditional and unconditional goals have both been considered either insufficient or highly insufficient. Additionally, Mexico has failed to increase its National Determined Contributions (NDC) under the Paris Agreement, effectively breaching commitments under the agreement.

Mexico has turned up its calls for more climate finance for the developing world as an excuse for the disappointing NDC it has assumed.

Mexico often participates in regional climate agreements, particularly in the Americas. Examples include Mexico’s subscription to the Leaders’ Statement on a North American Climate, Clean Energy, and Environment Partnership, on 29 June 2016, during the North American Leaders Summit in Ottawa, Canada.

Together with Canada and the US, Mexico committed to an ambitious and enduring statement, assuming the regional goal of reducing methane emissions from the oil and gas sectors by 40% to 45% by 2025.

Other regional agreements include the ratification of the Escazú Regional Agreement on Access to Information, Public Participation, and Justice in Environmental Matters in Latin America and the Caribbean. The country also participated in the annual European Commission (“EUROCLIMA+”) meeting, related to the implementation of commitments under the Paris Agreement in the area of climate governance, and regarding funding and technical assistance.

Mexico had been playing a leading role in Latin America regarding climate change regulation, being the first country in the region to enact a general climate change law (the LGCC) and to develop a robust institutional framework. These actions were accompanied by the 2013 Energy Reform which favoured the development of renewable energy projects. However, Mexico has lost that leadership to countries such as Colombia, Perú, and Costa Rica, which have made more significant commitments to the decarbonisation of their economies and the transition to net zero.

Commitments made by Mexico through international agreement have been the main driver of climate change policy and regulations. Mexico, by enacting the LGCC, was the first country to implement the aims of the UNFCCC through national legislation. In 2014, the Regulations of the LGCC regarding the National Registry of Emissions (RENE) were enacted to provide detailed and specific information to determine the GHG emissions by type of emission source, as well as by activity, sector, and sub-sector.

Mexico’s commitments under the Paris Agreement include unconditional goals to reduce GHGs by 22% with respect to the baseline and black carbon emissions by 51% by the year 2030. Conditional goals include up to 36% with respect to GHGs and 70% with respect to black carbon as expressly set forth in the LGCC.

Mexico has focused on the implementation of both mitigation and adaptation measures regarding climate change, creating instruments such as Clean Energy Certificates (CEL) and Energy Transition Law (LTE) commitments to reduce its national GHG emissions and to increase the generation of renewable energy.

In 2018, the LGCC was amended in order to establish a mandatory Mexican Emissions Trading Scheme (METS), which in general terms will work as a cap and trade system, where the government will establish a certain emissions cap for different economic sectors to be reduced every year. The amendments to the LGCC that establish the METS also mandate the recognition of emissions reductions achieved through CEL.

CEL are traded in the Mexican Electricity Market which is regulated mainly by the Energy Regulatory Commission (CRE). The CRE grants a CEL for each MWh injected into the Mexican grid and these can be traded at the annual CEL market operated by CENACE or through bilateral contracts.

The idea is that the CEL market and the METS operate simultaneously, but also separately and independently, in order to complement each other.

The climate change mitigation national policy must establish plans, programmes, actions, and economic, political, and regulatory instruments to gradually achieve the specific emission reduction goals, sector by sector, and using the baseline scenarios and sector baselines established in the instruments regulated by the LGCC as a reference, such as the Climate Change National Strategy. These must take into account the nationally determined contribution necessary for compliance with the Paris Agreement objectives, access to financial resources, the transfer of technology, and the development of capacities, as well as any other international agreements subscribed to by Mexico on matters of climate change.

As a condition of the above, adherence to Mexico’s baseline aims must not limit the country’s economic growth, and the productive sectors must participate in its development.

At the federal level, the LGCC is the main statute that regulates climate change policy in Mexico. The Federal Congress enacted it based on Article 4 of the Mexican Constitution, which provides the right to a healthy environment for the development and well-being of the people.

The LGCC primarily sets forth the policy goals on climate change applicable in Mexico. These policies and principles are mandatory for the federal government, but also binding as pre-emptive laws for the state governments. Accordingly, the state legislators may enact laws in accordance therewith as long as such laws do not contravene the environmental policies and mandates prescribed by the LGCC. This allows for a cohesive national policy and co-ordinated actions regarding climate change between states and the federal government.

In addition, and as explained in 2.1 National Climate Change Policy, in 2014, the federal government issued the Regulations of the LGCC Regarding the National Registry of Emissions, which regulates the operation of the RENE nation-wide.

At the state level, local congresses have passed legislation on climate change, which is in full force to this date (July 2023). Likewise, municipal governments have issued regulations on this matter.

On 18 November 2021, the representatives of Mexico, USA, and Canada relaunched the North American Leaders’ Summit (NALS) in Washington, DC, which includes concrete actions to strengthen regional climate ambitions by addressing four pillars: Nationally Determined Contributions, methane emission reduction, nature-based solutions (NbS), and zero-emission vehicles (ZEV). This is the only action taken by the Mexican government with respect to climate change policy.

No bilateral agreements pursuant to Article 6.2 of the Paris Agreement have been achieved by the Mexican government.

At the federal level, the regulation of environmental policy is entrusted to the Ministry of Environment and Natural Resources (SEMARNAT). Under federal statutory law, SEMARNAT has the power to formulate and direct the national policy on climate change and the ozone layer. Pursuant to its internal regulations, SEMARNAT is authorised to issue environmental policies and regulations on emissions and greenhouse gases, among others.

Under the LGCC, the National Institute for Ecology and Climate Change (INECC) was created as a decentralised body of SEMARNAT, whose main responsibility is the co-ordination, promotion, and development of scientific and technological investigation related to national policy on matters of biosecurity, sustainable development, environmental protection, preservation, and restoration of the ecological balance, ecosystem, and climate change conservation (including the mitigation of emissions), formulation and updating of the RENE, and climate change policy.

Additionally, the Inter-secretarial Commission for Climate Change (CICC) has the power to promote the co-ordination of actions of the federal public administration on matters of climate change, and approve the National Climate Change Strategy, among others.

In terms of regulatory enforcement, the Federal Bureau of Environmental Protection has the power to perform inspection visits to the persons subject to emissions reporting, in order to verify the information provided to SEMARNAT, in accordance with the regulatory provisions that derive from the LGCC.

Additionally, in accordance with the LGCC, the federation, states, and municipalities have concurrent powers for the formulation and application of public policies for the adaptation of climate change and the mitigation of GHGs. To that effect, both the states and the municipalities have issued normative rules on matters of climate change, in line with the distribution of powers provided by the LGCC.

Under the current federal administration, the institutional framework is intended to be made less robust by eliminating the INECC, justified by the – in the authors’ opinion – unconvincing argument of duplicity of functions with other administrative entities.

Mexico’s commitments under the UNFCCC and the Paris Agreement have mainly been implemented through the LGCC and its regulations. In addition, other instruments thought to help contribute to meeting these commitments where set to be part of the Energy Reform of 2013 through the LTE, the Electricity Industry Law (LIE), and the Transition Strategy to Promote the Use of Cleaner Technologies and Fuels in 2016. The creation of CEL as a market instrument to promote renewable energy was also a result of climate change policies.

METS

Mexico is currently moving towards the METS being fully operational. In 2018, the LGCC was amended in order to establish a mandatory METS. The METS started with a pilot programme followed by a trial period with no economic or legal effects for participants. It is expected that the METS will be fully operational in 2023.

In general terms, the METS will work as a cap and trade system, where the government will establish an emissions cap for certain economic sectors to be reduced every year. Facilities within such sectors will be able to acquire allowances, each equivalent to one tonne of CO₂. The participants in the trial period were facilities within the energy and industrial sectors which generate 100,000 tonnes or more of direct emissions of CO₂. The number of allowances issued each year will be fixed. The sectors that do not participate in the METS may voluntarily register projects that reduce GHGs and generate carbon credits that can also be traded in the METS.

There is presently no specific obligation to reduce GHG per sector; but this will be the case once the METS is fully operational. SEMARNAT will assign allowances to participants based on their last verified emissions report filed to RENE.

Other Policy Instruments

Other policy instruments include a carbon tax for fossil fuels at the federal level which is based on the carbon content of these types of fuels.

At the local level, some states, including Tamaulipas, Nuevo León, Querétaro, Baja California, the State of Mexico, and Yucatán have established local carbon taxes applicable to fixed sources of emissions operating in the territory of the respective states. It is uncertain if these taxes will become permanent or if they will be successfully challenged in the courts. It is also uncertain if these will be effective as a tool to reduce GHGs or will just lead to industries moving from state to state in search of lower/non-existent carbon taxes.

Climate change mitigation is not properly considered by the Mexican authorities for granting environmental permits and/or authorisations. These are granted if and when the requirements established in the applicable laws and regulations are met. However, this could change in 2023, when the METS becomes operational.

Reporting Obligations

As to reporting obligations, public companies in the Mexican Stock Exchange are now required to include in their annual report the description of the risks or effects that climate change may have on the entity’s business, including decreases in the demand for products which require significant GHGs and increases in the demand for other products which require less emissions. Furthermore, they are required to disclose any current and potential indirect consequences of market trends that could be faced by the company as a result of climate change.

Climate change adaptation in Mexico is charged to the INECC through the General Office for Climate Change Adaptation (CGAACC).

The general policy approach is to generate synergies between mitigation and adaptation measures with a systemic view. This policy focuses on three main aspects:

  • adaptation based on ecosystems;
  • adaptation based on communities; and
  • adaptation based on disaster risk reduction.

The aim is to achieve the reduction of regional vulnerability, the increase of adaptive capabilities, and the identification of ecosystems and species at risk due to climate change as well as the recovery of the functional basis of relevant ecosystems through conservation, restoration, and the sustainable use of Mexico’s historic buildings.

So far, the only identifiable instrument resulting from adaptation policy is the National Atlas of Vulnerability to Climate Change, completed in 2019.

Mexico took part in meetings ahead of COP25 to exchange information and good practices on combating climate change. Also discussed were the rules that should govern the international carbon markets under Article 6 of the Paris Agreement and strengthening the Warsaw International Mechanism for Loss and Damage.

Mexico intends to participate in the carbon market evolving from Article 6 of the Paris Agreement, provided that the integrity of the mechanisms will allow avoiding double accounting and ensure that international transfers of emissions reductions are real and verifiable.

Mexico will also look for the mechanism to be co-ordinated and congruent with other carbon trading schemes existing outside the UNFCCC, including the country’s own METS.

Given that the CBAM will impose a carbon tax on high carbon emissions products, Mexico will likely need to change current trends in policy implementation if it wants its exports to be competitive in the EU market. Therefore, it is very likely that the CBAM will impact Mexico by increasing the level of taxation on carbon emissions inside the country. This increment could potentially incentivise different industries and sectors to use cleaner sources of energy, thus reducing the carbon emissions of exports nationally. Otherwise, the Mexican economy stands to lose approximately USD25–50 million. In this regard, the jurisdiction will have to address the CO₂ externalities through taxation; otherwise, the Mexican government would have to find an effective manner of compensating for the economic loss that leaving the legislation unchanged would imply.

Thus far, Mexico does not seem to have implemented any changes in response to the CBAM and, while their execution is still uncertain, the implications of the CBAM for Mexico are difficult to predict.

In Mexico, the only mandatory reporting obligation is related to direct and indirect GHG emissions under the RENE regulations and is for those industries, services, and activities that belong to the transport, energy (both electricity and oil and gas), industrial, livestock, agricultural, waste management, commerce, and services sectors. These industries generate, in total, 25,000 tonnes (or more) of GHGs per year.

However, climate liability and reporting of climate impact in, or generated by, public companies’ operation is still not mandatory under Mexican regulation. Public companies participating in the Mexican Stock Exchange do need to report potential material effects of climate change on their operations, but the scope of information required is still very limited.

Civil society in Mexico is a driver in reporting and transparency; however, climate change is still not at the top of the agenda, considering the other serious social issues with which the country is concerned – those to do with violence and gender, for example.

Bearing in mind that Mexico is still a middle income, developing country, public policy has traditionally been to favour and foster industrial development, without much consideration being given – until very recently – to the climate aspects of economic growth.

Thus, there has not been a legislative or regulatory framework punishing directors or even companies for the climate change impacts of their operations, beyond the standard requirements of air emission pollutants being within applicable thresholds.

Notwithstanding the foregoing, Mexico launched, in 2018, a pilot emissions commerce programme, which will become mandatory on 1 January 2023. However, the basis for the operational stage of the emissions commerce programme is still pending to be issued. Operating under a traditional cap and trade scheme, this programme will penalise (with fines) those companies that do not bring their GHGs (either by implementing infrastructure overhauls or through the purchase of carbon bonds) under their allotted limits.

On the other hand, private and public projects that will have significant environmental impacts, as well as the loss of carbon sinks, are closely scrutinised by local communities and civil society actors, who may become quite vocal and combative, and this could eventually lead to the project losing its “social licence” and result in its cancellation.

In Mexico, there is no piercing of the corporate veil. As a result, making shareholders or parent companies liable for breaches to climate change law is not possible.

In Mexico, ESG reporting (or integration) is not a regulatory requirement, so – as partially addressed in 6.1 Task Force on Climate-Related Financial Disclosures (TCFD) – most companies report on a voluntary basis, as part of the establishing of their corporate purpose, to attract investment or as a requirement by their parent companies abroad.

To be sure, the Mexican Banking and Securities Commission has made some ESG reporting mandatory for publicly traded companies, although the specific standards, criteria, and content of such disclosure is not specifically regulated, so the format and thoroughness of such disclosure will be each company’s choice – albeit with the usual international standards, such as GRI, SASB, TCFD, etc, being followed.

Hence, climate change ESG reporting is not mandatory for stock-exchange listing, although it is considered best practice to do so, with those companies making such disclosure being recognised and rewarded by investors and consumers alike.

Climate change due diligence is an evolving requirement but, in the authors’ experience, it has not become a trend in Mexico.

The LIE and the LTE provide CEL as instruments to monetise and pay for the social benefits of generating electricity with renewable energy technologies by entering the wholesale electrical market.

Notwithstanding the above, the current political administration does not support the transition towards more renewable energy and the CEL market is currently not operating.

It is expected that future administrations will eventually adopt a more renewable-friendly scheme.

The LGCC establishes:

  • the regulation of gas emissions and greenhouse effect compounds;
  • the regulation of actions for mitigation and adaptation to climate change; and
  • the transition towards a competitive, sustainable, and low-carbon economy.

The LGCC establishes among the powers of the CICC, those of promoting, disseminating, and ruling, where appropriate, on carbon reduction or capture projects.

Official Standard NMX-AA-173-SCFI-2015 (NMX) sets a reference framework based on good practices and a cost-effective quality assurance process for forest carbon credits at the national level. This technical regulatory instrument describes the specifications and minimum requirements necessary to obtain the registry of carbon forestry projects and certification of the increase in carbon stocks generated by such projects. However, no forest carbon credits have, so far, been developed in Mexico under the NMX.

Galicia Abogados, SC

Torre Del Bosque
Blvd Manuel Avila Camacho 24
7th Floor
Col. Lomas de Chapultepec
Mexico City 11000
Mexico

+52 555 540 9200

contacto@galicia.com.mx www.galicia.com.mx
Author Business Card

Trends and Developments


Authors



Galicia Abogados, SC is a full-service Mexican law firm with over 27 years’ experience. The firm’s environmental practice is renowned for its strong team of professionals with in-depth experience in transactional work in corporate environmental law, and complex and sophisticated environmental legal issues such as water and waste water, site contamination, waste management, and environmental impact. The firm adds value by giving advice in direct communication with industrial facilities with a preventive approach and helping clients navigate the complexities of complying with ever-evolving environmental regulations. Additionally, Galicia has strong litigation and arbitration practice groups. This support helps the firm make deeper risk analyses and also guarantees its ability to defend the environmental strategies it proposes to clients. Galicia is the leading firm for environmental work in project-related matters, with an emphasis on energy (power generation and oil and gas), real estate, and regulated industries, including ports, roads, water projects, and pharmaceuticals.

When Green Policy Becomes Fiscal Policy: How the Recent Implementation of Local “Green Taxes” in Mexico to Curb GHG Emissions is Going Awry

Introduction

As the world’s 14th largest economy by GDP, Mexico is also the 13th largest greenhouse gas emitter (1.3% contribution to global GHG emissions), a figure that is expected to rise when considered under recent international geopolitical and economic trends, such as the Russia-Ukraine war, the increasing decoupling of western nations from the Chinese economy, and the move to nearshoring the production of goods and services.

This context may seem at odds with Mexico’s National Determined Contribution (NDC) per the Paris Agreement, which was recently revised (in November 2022) upwards, from 22% to 35% reduction of GHG by 2030.

While this objective may seem ambitious and frankly laudable, the fact is that federal environmental policies have been retrograde and run counter to achieving this GHG reduction commitment.

Indeed, the current administration has moved to assert a so-called energy sovereignty, by curtailing the development of renewable energy projects, hindering the operations and profitability of existing ones, and massively betting on and subsidising the oil and gas sector.

It thus comes as no surprise that the Climate Action Tracker has downgraded Mexico’s climate performance from “highly insufficient” to “critically insufficient”, pointing out that “Mexico’s climate policies under President Lopez Obrador continue to go backwards, as fossil fuel use is prioritised and climate-related policies and institutions are dismantled. This puts the country’s emissions pathway even further from the Paris Agreement’s 1.5 degrees Celsius goal.”

This background has set the stage for recent taxes enacted at the state level, labelled – incorrectly in the authors’ opinion – as “green”, on GHG emitting companies, under the pretext of contributing to achieve Mexico’s NDC.

The Mexican green fiscal policy conundrum

The primary objective of any green fiscal policy in the world, should be to reflect negative externalities in products and services’ prices, to align government expenditures with environmental and climate goals and commitments, and to raise revenue, to “create fiscal space for green investment and broader fiscal reform” (UNEP, 2023).

Thus, by implementing green taxes (also known as environmental taxes or eco-taxes), governments seek to disincentivise those actions that create a greater impact on the environment, by making them more expensive, while at the same time generating revenue that will contribute in the transition to a green economy and the fight against climate change.

In the case of Mexico, local green taxes have been implemented by different states in recent years, under the premise – at the political discourse level – of meaningfully reducing the impacts of climate change. Unfortunately, as the reader will see throughout this article, these taxes fall far from achieving this goal.

General overview of the local green taxes regulated in Mexico

The Mexican States that have incorporated green taxes to their legislation are the following: (i) Guanajuato; (ii) Querétaro; (iii) State of Mexico; (iv) Yucatán; (v) Nuevo León; (vi) Zacatecas; and (vii) Baja California. These new local taxes have come into force as of the year 2017.

Guanajuato

The targets of the green taxes implemented by the State of Guanajuato are: (i) greenhouse gas emissions; (ii) discharge of pollutants to the soil, subsoil, and water; and (iii) the disposal of special-handling waste in landfills located in the state.

The taxes applicable to greenhouse gas emissions are calculated by applying a fee of approximately USD1.5 per tonne of CO2 emitted.

Querétaro

The State of Querétaro enacted green taxes targeting the extraction of certain construction-related raw materials, greenhouse gas emissions, and the final disposal of waste in landfills located in the state’s territory.

Greenhouse gas emissions in the state are taxed at a staggering USD33 per tonne of CO2 emitted.

State of Mexico

In the State of Mexico, the only green tax that has been implemented, targets greenhouse gas emissions, with a fee of USD2.45 per tonne of CO2, or its equivalent.

Yucatán

In the State of Yucatán, the green taxes that have been implemented target greenhouse gas emissions, as well as the discharge of pollutants to the soil, subsoil, and water. Greenhouse gas emissions are taxed at USD16 per tonne of CO2 emitted, or its equivalent.

Nuevo León

The State of Nuevo León incorporated green taxes with respect to the extraction of certain construction-related raw materials, greenhouse gas emissions, emissions of pollutants to the water, and emissions of pollutants to the soil and/or subsoil.

Greenhouse gas emissions are taxed at USD16.5 per tonne or fraction thereof of particulate matter emitted.

Zacatecas

The target of the green taxes implemented by the State of Zacatecas is the environmental remediation involved in the extraction of certain construction-related raw materials, greenhouse gas emissions, emissions of pollutants to the soil, subsoil, and water, and the disposal and storage of waste.

In this case, greenhouse gas emissions are taxed at USD14.28 per tonne of CO2 emitted, or its equivalent.

Baja California

Finally, the State of Baja California incorporated green taxes with respect to greenhouse gas emissions and the exploitation of stone quarries.

Greenhouse gas emissions are taxed at USD0.01 per litre or kilogram of CO2 emitted, or its equivalent.

Implications derived from the implementation of local green taxes

As we have previously mentioned, local governments sold to the public these new green taxes in their legislation, in an effort to contribute to the fight against climate change and to improve environmental conditions in their jurisdictions. In consistency with sound green fiscal policy, state governments argued that they sought for polluting companies to internalise the negative environmental externalities caused by their operations.

Although this idea may sound great on paper, in practice these local green taxes were implemented without a proper legal, environmental, scientific, or economic plan. The consequences have been dire, as these taxes have thrown a wrench in Mexico’s transition to a just, green economy.

Indeed, as experience and facts have shown, the main focus of these taxes has been to raise money for the states, and not to tackle climate change or improve environmental conditions in their jurisdictions.

To be sure, resources raised by these taxes are neither directed to a specific environmental or climate action fund, nor tagged to be invested in improving environmental infrastructure.

On the contrary, the significant revenue that is being raised by these taxes, enters untagged into each state’s purse and is destined for non-environmental or climate ends, such as highways, road pavements, or even electoral campaigns.

This has caused multiple industries to challenge the provisions regulating the local green taxes, under legal, environmental, scientific, and economic arguments, as follows.

Legal implications

  • Competence of the three levels of government.

As per Mexican constitutional law, environmental matters are regulated under a residual formula, where federal laws expressly outline the industries, contaminants, or activities that fall under the scope of the federation’s regulatory agencies, and leave all the remaining activities to be regulated by state or municipal authorities.

The General Law for Ecological Balance and Environmental Protection and its Regulations on the Prevention of Atmospheric Contamination, number the industries and activities that are strictly regulated by the federation, leaving the rest to each state’s jurisdiction.

At present, states are taxing all fixed sources of greenhouse gas emissions located in their respective territory, regardless of the federal or state jurisdiction that should govern them.

Hence, by having these taxes target any activity related to the generation of greenhouse gas emissions, we are evidently in the presence of an encroachment on competence between the federal and state levels of government, that is resulting in double regulation and taxation over the same activity.

Consequently, the encroachment on federal and municipal competence, represents a constitutional violation by the state governments, making the corresponding green taxes vulnerable to being challenged by means of the applicable legal mechanisms in the country, as has been repeatedly done in past years.

Environmental implications

  • Lack of a scientific base for the methodology of local green taxes.

From a scientific standpoint, the imposition of a green tax must be based on an accurate study of the damage caused by the related activity and the proportionally determinable cost that would address said damage (ie, it must be directly proportional to the damage caused). In other words, who contaminates more, must pay more.

In this regard, however, the “green” taxes enacted to date vary significantly from state to state, lack any scientific background or explanation as to how the states reached the economic amount that should be levied per CO2 tonne generated, and do not explain how that amount appropriately reflects the costs of tackling the environmental and climate impacts generated by the taxed activities.

On the contrary, the states seem to have been entirely capricious and arbitrary in determining the varying amounts of the tax, and the reason why a tax fee is applicable to a particular activity, which only stresses the fact that states are actually taxing industries with the only object of collecting money to defray public expenditure.

To make matters worse, as of the date the taxes were implemented (ie, 2017 to date), there has not been a single study that demonstrates that local green taxes have been effective in reducing polluting emissions, abating greenhouse gas emissions, or evidencing that industries are investing in cleaner technologies.

Based on the above, the green taxes have completely missed the mark on the alleged reasons that saw them being enacted: to tackle climate change, improve environmental conditions, and invest in environmental infrastructure.

This makes the taxes vulnerable to being legally challenged by the companies or industries that are being affected, ultimately resulting in the repeal or modification of the legal provisions that regulate them.

This, evidently, would put a stop to the collection of the tax by the local governments, and thus does not disincentivise the activities that are generating negative impacts on the environment.

Therefore, as long as the corresponding legal provisions are not corrected or the scientific foundations of the taxes published, the activities that are generating the most negative effects to the environment, will continue to do so under judicially obtained injunctions, without any proper mitigation measures.

Economic implications

  • Strong disincentive to implement greener technologies in taxed industries.

Sound green fiscal policy dictates that the government should notify, with sufficient and reasonable time, those companies that may be affected by any incoming regulation that will set forth stricter pollution thresholds or that may tax environmental and climate externalities. The idea is to give companies a grace period to fine tune their operations to the new regulations, either by modifying their production processes or by investing in polluting abatement technology.

In the Mexican case, most of the green taxes that have been implemented by state governments set an almost immediate date of entry into force after they were published. This makes the taxes enforceable and effective, in most cases, a day after their publication, without giving companies any timeframe to reasonably adapt to overcome the tax.

This represents a huge economic blow for the industries that have been targeted by the green taxes in question, given that they are not granted this so-called “grace period” to allocate part of their resources to the implementation of innovative measures to mitigate emissions, pollutants, waste, and other taxed activities.

Hence, by the time the applicable green tax must be paid to the state revenue services, the case has frequently been that companies must allocate a significant part of their income to pay the tax, instead of investing in improving their operations.

Consequently, by having this economic blow from the get-go, it becomes even more difficult for industries to not only invest in environmentally conscious operations, but also to have any type of motivation to do so, in the long run.

This, ultimately, defeats the purpose for which the green taxes were supposedly implemented in the first place, which was to contribute to the transition to a green economy and the fight against climate change.

Asymmetries in the market

From an economic perspective, an effective green tax must reduce a negative externality (ie, the costs or negative consequences suffered by society, due to the production or consumption of a good, that are not reflected in its price), so that, for the people responsible, it costs them more to carry out the activity that is causing said negative externality, this being an incentive to improve the environmental standard of their operations.

By increasing the costs with the imposition of green taxes, ideally, local governments seek to disincentivise those activities that create greater harm to the environment, to, ultimately, reduce the effects of climate change.

However, as the authors have described throughout this article, the lack of a proper legal, environmental, scientific, and economic plan by Mexican tax legislators, has resulted in economic distortions in the market, as companies that have been diligent in meeting their previous environmental reporting obligations are being taxed (making their operations and products more expensive), while those that have escaped regulatory overview and taxation are incentivised to dig their operations further underground, making their products cheaper and more competitive in the general market.

Therefore, the so-called primary purpose of the “green taxes”, which is to disincentivise the activities that are causing the negative externalities (ie, contamination, waste, etc), is far from being achieved, and the taxes have caused, paradoxically, a very different result: to increase production costs and litigation over the industries already held captive by the revenue services and to elude compliance with general environmental obligations by those companies that are operating irregularly.

Conclusion

Many of the companies targeted by the states’ green taxes have filed constitutional challenges to contest the legality of the taxes. Although most of these challenges have been won, resulting in the repeal or modification of some of these green taxes (as is the case in the States of Tamaulipas and Guanajuato, respectively), the legal provisions that have remained in force are far from properly enforcing these fiscal policy instruments, resulting in severe economic consequences for the targeted companies.

Furthermore, the green taxes have been severely deficient in achieving the end for which they were enacted, which is – in theory – to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and tackle climate change.

On the contrary, experience has shown that these taxes have a purely money-raising intention, defeating entirely the purpose of the “green” label that has been tagged to make it more palatable to the population.

This is another classic example of lazy and misleading public policy, that seeks to wash as “green”, taxing efforts all the while with the sole and soulless intention to raise revenue.

Galicia Abogados, SC

Blvd. Manuel Ávila Camacho No. 24
Lomas de Chapultepec
Mexico City
11000
Mexico

+52 55 5540 9200

contacto@galicia.com.mx www.galicia.com.mx/en/
Author Business Card

Law and Practice

Authors



Galicia Abogados, SC is a full-service Mexican law firm with over 27 years’ experience. The firm’s environmental practice is renowned for its strong team of professionals with in-depth experience in transactional work in corporate environmental law, and complex and sophisticated environmental legal issues such as water and waste water, site contamination, waste management, and environmental impact. The firm adds value by giving advice in direct communication with industrial facilities with a preventive approach and helping clients navigate the complexities of complying with ever-evolving environmental regulations. Additionally, Galicia has strong litigation and arbitration practice groups. This support helps the firm make deeper risk analyses and also guarantees its ability to defend the environmental strategies it proposes to clients. Galicia is the leading firm for environmental work in project-related matters, with an emphasis on energy (power generation and oil and gas), real estate, and regulated industries, including ports, roads, water projects, and pharmaceuticals.

Trends and Developments

Authors



Galicia Abogados, SC is a full-service Mexican law firm with over 27 years’ experience. The firm’s environmental practice is renowned for its strong team of professionals with in-depth experience in transactional work in corporate environmental law, and complex and sophisticated environmental legal issues such as water and waste water, site contamination, waste management, and environmental impact. The firm adds value by giving advice in direct communication with industrial facilities with a preventive approach and helping clients navigate the complexities of complying with ever-evolving environmental regulations. Additionally, Galicia has strong litigation and arbitration practice groups. This support helps the firm make deeper risk analyses and also guarantees its ability to defend the environmental strategies it proposes to clients. Galicia is the leading firm for environmental work in project-related matters, with an emphasis on energy (power generation and oil and gas), real estate, and regulated industries, including ports, roads, water projects, and pharmaceuticals.

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